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Military And Security Developments
Apr 20.
20 Apr 25. Ukrainian forces have repelled what they described as one of the largest coordinated Russian assaults in southern Ukraine to date, eliminating 140 Russian troops and destroying 29 armored vehicles in a two-and-a-half-hour battle near the Zaporizhzhia front, Ukraine’s Southern Defense Forces reported on Thursday. The assault reportedly began on April 16 around 18:00 local time and involved at least 320 Russian personnel, 40 armored vehicles, three tanks, and approximately a dozen buggies. Ukrainian reconnaissance units detected the advance near the villages of Pyatikhatky, Stepove, Lobkove, Mala Tokmachka, and Mali Shcherbaky. Using drones and artillery, Ukrainian forces struck the first wave of vehicles 8 kilometers from the front line, according to the Southern Defense Forces’ Telegram channel. “Enemy losses: 29 units of military equipment destroyed, 140 personnel, three tanks damaged,” the statement read. “The enemy failed to achieve any success, and the Ukrainian Defense Forces held all their positions.” Footage released by the Ukrainian military and shared via Telegram shows aerial strikes on Russian armored columns, multiple explosions, and large plumes of smoke. Though other outlets were unable to independently verify the time and location of the footage, the Southern Command emphasized that the engagement marked a shift in Russian tactics toward larger, more centralized assaults. The Russian units involved reportedly included several regiments from the 58th Combined Arms Army of the Southern Military District. The failed push follows a similar Russian attack on April 13 in the same region and may signal a broader strategy change from smaller infantry infiltration units to massed formations, according to Ukrainian officials. Junior Sergeant Stanislav Bunyatov of Ukraine’s 24th Aidar Assault Battalion commented on the scale of the assault in a Telegram post, writing, “Rusnya conducted one of the largest offensives. They tried to break through the defense west of Orikhiv… most of them were eliminated.” He later added that the Russian group had deployed over 300 soldiers, comparing the size of the assault to earlier skirmishes in Kursk Oblast, which involved smaller units. A spokesperson for Ukraine’s Southern Command, Vladyslav Voloshyn, explained the evolution of Russian battlefield tactics. “Approximately 5-7 men would prepare for these assaults, make a so-called corridor with electronic warfare (anti-drone) equipment, and try to go as far as possible with these groups of infantry,” he said. (Source: https://www.sofx.com/)
20 Apr 25. UK fighter jets have intercepted two Russian aircraft flying close to NATO airspace as part of the UK’s contribution to NATO’s enhanced Air Policing in the region. Two RAF Typhoons were scrambled from Malbork Air Base in Poland on Tuesday (April 15) to intercept a Russian Ilyushin Il-20M “Coot-A” intelligence aircraft over the Baltic Sea. Whilst on Thursday (17 April) another two Typhoons scrambled from the base, to intercept an unknown aircraft leaving Kaliningrad air space and close to NATO airspace. The intercepts mark the RAF’s first scramble as part of Operation CHESSMAN and come just weeks after the aircraft arrived in eastern Poland to begin their deployment alongside Sweden in defence of NATO’s Eastern Flank. It follows the Prime Minister’s historic commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP, recognising the critical importance of military readiness in an era of heightened global uncertainty. Keeping the country safe is the Government’s first priority and foundation of its Plan for Change. The work of the Royal Air Force is critical to the security and stability of the UK, supporting the delivery of the Government’s five missions. (Source: https://www.gov.uk/)
20 Apr 25. Russia has intensified air and ground operations along several axes in Ukraine, according to the UK Ministry of Defence’s latest Defence Intelligence Update released on 18 April. The report notes that “adjacent to Russia’s Kursk and Belgorod oblasts, Russian forces have conducted large-scale aerial attacks on the Ukrainian oblast of Sumy,” adding that it is “highly likely [Russia] intends to continue offensive activity in the region in order to reclaim the contested Kursk territory.” The Sumy region, which borders Russia’s western frontier, has remained a flashpoint throughout the conflict. UK intelligence indicates that the renewed focus may signal Moscow’s attempt to regain lost ground or divert Ukrainian resources away from other fronts. Further south in the contested eastern Donbas, the update states that “in central Donetsk oblast, Russia contests several key urban strongholds such as Toretsk and Chasiv Yar,” where assaults have continued throughout 2025. However, “in southern Ukraine there have been few instances of Russian advances,” suggesting Russia is “highly likely… prioritising other axes.” In the northeast, the strategic rail and logistics hub of Kupiansk also remains under threat. According to the update, “Russia has persisted in making assaults towards the rail and logistics hub of Kupiansk.” Notably, Russian forces have “maintained a bridgehead at the village of Zapadne, west of the Oskil river.” Yet Ukrainian forces appear to be holding firm. The report highlights that “Ukrainian Uncrewed Aerial Systems (UAS) and artillery strikes are reportedly hindering attempted Russian pontoon crossings.” (Source: Defense News Early Bird/UKDJ)
20 Apr 25. Ukraine shocks with call for 115 aircraft and $98bn from Germany. In a bold move that has sent ripples through European geopolitics, Andriy Melnyk, Ukraine’s permanent representative to the United Nations and former ambassador to Germany, has called on Germany’s incoming chancellor, Friedrich Merz, to transfer 30 percent of the Bundeswehr’s military aviation and ground equipment to Ukraine’s armed forces. This shocking request, made as Merz prepares to lead a new coalition government of the Christian Democratic Union [CDU], Christian Social Union [CSU], and Social Democratic Party [SPD] starting May 6, 2025, includes 45 Eurofighter Typhoon jets, 30 Tornado aircraft, 25 NH90 helicopters, 15 Eurocopter Tigers, 100 Leopard 2 tanks, and a range of other advanced systems, alongside 150 Taurus cruise missiles. Melnyk also urged Germany to allocate 0.5 percent of its GDP—roughly 86bn euros [$97,8bn] by 2029—to support Ukraine’s military needs. This unprecedented demand, framed as a litmus test for Germany’s commitment to Ukraine amid Russia’s ongoing aggression, raises profound questions about NATO’s unity, Germany’s military readiness, and the future of European security. The call comes at a pivotal moment. Germany, Europe’s economic powerhouse, has long faced criticism for its cautious approach to military aid for Ukraine, particularly under outgoing Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who repeatedly blocked the delivery of Taurus missiles citing fears of escalation. Merz, by contrast, has signaled a more assertive stance, expressing openness to supplying Taurus missiles in coordination with European allies. Melnyk’s request, however, goes far beyond missiles, envisioning a massive transfer of assets that would reshape the Bundeswehr’s capabilities while potentially transforming Ukraine’s battlefield dynamics. The audacity of the proposal—delivered by a diplomat known for his blunt rhetoric—suggests not just a plea for aid but a strategic challenge to Germany’s new leadership and the broader Western alliance. At the heart of Melnyk’s request is the Eurofighter Typhoon, a twin-engine, multirole fighter jet developed by a consortium of European nations, including Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Spain. The Eurofighter, in service with the Luftwaffe since 2004, is among the most advanced combat aircraft in the world, capable of air-to-air and air-to-ground missions with a top speed of Mach 2 and a combat radius exceeding 1,000 miles. Equipped with the CAPTOR radar and a suite of precision-guided munitions, including the Brimstone missile and Paveway IV laser-guided bombs, it offers unmatched versatility. Germany’s current fleet numbers approximately 138 Eurofighters, with 45 representing a significant portion of its operational and reserve capacity. Transferring such a number would require not only political will but also a logistical overhaul, as Ukraine’s air force, trained primarily on Soviet-era MiG-29s and Su-27s, lacks the infrastructure and personnel to operate and maintain these sophisticated jets. The Eurofighter’s complexity underscores the challenges of Melnyk’s proposal. Unlike older platforms like the Tornado, a 1970s-era strike aircraft nearing retirement in Germany, the Eurofighter demands extensive pilot training, ground crew expertise, and a robust supply chain for spare parts and munitions. For comparison, Poland, a NATO ally with a more modernized air force, took years to fully integrate its F-16 fleet after transitioning from Soviet systems. Ukraine’s air force, battered by three years of war, would face even steeper hurdles. The jets’ advanced avionics and maintenance requirements could strain Ukraine’s resources, potentially rendering the transfer symbolic rather than immediately impactful. Yet, the Eurofighter’s capabilities—superior to Russia’s Su-35 in maneuverability and sensor fusion—could theoretically give Ukraine a qualitative edge in contested airspace, assuming the necessary support systems were in place.
Beyond the Eurofighter, Melnyk’s list includes a dizzying array of equipment: 30 Tornado jets, designed for low-level penetration strikes; 25 NH90 transport helicopters, used for troop movement and medical evacuation; 15 Eurocopter Tiger attack helicopters, equipped with anti-tank missiles; 100 Leopard 2 tanks, among the world’s most advanced main battle tanks; 115 Puma infantry fighting vehicles; 130 Marder armored personnel carriers; 130 GTK Boxer wheeled armored vehicles; 300 Fuchs transport vehicles; and 20 MARS-II multiple launch rocket systems, Germany’s equivalent to the U.S. HIMARS. The inclusion of 150 Taurus missiles, with a 310-mile range and stealth features, is particularly contentious as Scholz’s refusal to supply them sparked heated debate in Germany. The Taurus, comparable to the British Storm Shadow and U.S. ATACMS, can strike deep into Russian territory, raising fears of escalation among German lawmakers wary of becoming a direct party to the conflict. The historical context of Germany’s military support for Ukraine provides a critical perspective. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, Germany has emerged as Kyiv’s second-largest donor after the United States, providing approximately 28bn euros in military aid, including Leopard 1 and 2 tanks, IRIS-T air defense systems, and Gepard anti-aircraft guns. Yet, Berlin’s hesitancy on certain systems, notably the Taurus, has drawn criticism from Ukraine and allies like the United States, United Kingdom, and France, which have supplied long-range missiles. Scholz’s SPD argued that Taurus deliveries could make Germany belligerent, a stance that clashed with the Greens and Free Democrats [FDP], who favored immediate transfers.
Merz, during his December 2024 visit to Kyiv, criticized Scholz’s caution, stating, “We want your army to be capable of hitting military bases in Russia. Not the civilian population, not infrastructure, but the military targets from which your country is being attacked”. His openness to Taurus deliveries, conditional on European coordination, contrasts sharply with Scholz’s restraint, setting the stage for Melnyk’s bold escalation. Politically, Melnyk’s request places Merz in a precarious position. The CDU/CSU-SPD coalition, formed after the February 23, 2025, snap election, is still navigating its early days. Merz, who secured 28.5 percent of the vote, has pledged to strengthen Germany’s defense and support for Ukraine while maintaining fiscal discipline. However, the SPD, led by Lars Klingbeil, remains cautious, with many members opposing Taurus deliveries due to escalation fears. Defense Minister Boris Pistorius, a vocal Ukraine supporter, has privately favored Taurus transfers, but his influence within the SPD is limited. Melnyk’s call for 30 percent of the Bundeswehr’s assets—far beyond what even the most hawkish German politicians have proposed—appears designed to pressure Merz into a defining stance, potentially exposing coalition fault lines. The economic implications are equally daunting. Allocating 0.5 percent of Germany’s GDP, projected at 4.43trn euros in 2025, would commit Berlin to 22bn euros annually through 2029, dwarfing current aid levels. Germany’s 2025 budget already includes 4bn euros for Ukraine, down from 8bn in 2024, reflecting fiscal constraints. Merz has proposed a 500-billion-euro fund for defense and infrastructure, partly by easing Germany’s debt brake, but this plan prioritizes domestic needs like Bundeswehr modernization. Diverting such a sum to Ukraine could spark a backlash among German voters, many of whom, according to a January 2025 DW report, prioritize economic stability over increased aid. Thomas Erndl, a CSU deputy, noted, “The opinion has become entrenched among the population that arms deliveries fuel war while stopping deliveries slow it down.” Melnyk’s motivations merit scrutiny. Known for his provocative style, he has a history of pushing Germany’s boundaries, once calling Scholz an “offended liver sausage” for delaying aid. His current request, described by some analysts as deliberately maximalist, may aim to frame any compromise—such as Taurus deliveries—as a victory for Ukraine. Former Ukrainian ambassador to Germany, Melnyk himself predicted in November 2024 that Merz’s election would secure Taurus missiles, stating, “I cannot imagine in any scenario of this coalition, even if the Social Democrats become a ‘minor partner,’ that they will block it”. (Source: News Now/https://bulgarianmilitary.com/)
20 Apr 25. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on Sunday that Russia had launched fresh attacks despite Vladimir Putin ordering his army to suspend combat operations in Ukraine over the Easter holiday. (Source: ft.com)
Apr 19.
19 Apr 25. Russian President Vladimir Putin declared a brief Easter ceasefire in his war with Ukraine, a declaration met with skepticism in Kyiv as the war enters a crucial phase and US-led negotiations stall. Putin said “all hostilities” would halt between 6 p.m. Moscow time on Saturday (11 a.m. ET) and midnight on Monday (5 p.m. Sunday ET).
“We assume that the Ukrainian side will follow our example,” he said, adding that the truce would help Russia determine how sincere Kyiv is about wanting to reach a ceasefire.
While Ukraine didn’t explicitly reject the proposal, officials in Kyiv have made it clear they do not trust Putin, and pointed to the fact that Russia has refused to sign up to a US proposal for a 30-day ceasefire to which Kyiv has agreed.
“Unfortunately, we have had a long history of (Putin’s) statements not matching his actions… Russia can agree at any time to the proposal for a full and unconditional 30-day ceasefire, which has been on the table since March,” Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said on X.
The timing of the announcement also sparked some questions – coming one day after the Trump administration indicated it was running out of patience with Russia and Ukraine, and just hours after Russia’s Defense Ministry announced its forces had pushed Ukrainian troops from one of their last remaining footholds in Russia’s Kursk region, where the Ukrainians staged a surprise incursion last year. Air raid sirens sounded in Kyiv and several other regions soon after Putin’s announcement, with the city’s military administration warning of a Russian drone attack. Officials urged people not to leave shelters until the alert was over.
“At this moment, air raid alerts are spreading across Ukraine. At 17:15, Russian attack drones were detected in our skies,” Zelensky said. “Shahed drones in our skies reveal Putin’s true attitude toward Easter and toward human life,” he added.
The Ukrainian leader’s post did not make it immediately clear whether or not Kyiv will accept the truce. There have been no pauses in the conflict since Russia’s launched its unprovoked full-scale invasion in February 2022. CNN has approached the Ukrainian presidency for comment. But the sudden nature of Putin’s announcement and the short duration of the proposed truce gave Kyiv little room to prepare or maneuver. Many Ukrainian troops participating in ongoing assaults or reconnaissance missions would have been in position already, as any moves are typically made during the night due to the threat from Russian troops. Ukraine has previously been skeptical about such temporary pauses in conflict, having rejected a temporary ceasefire in January 2023 believing that Russia had ulterior motives in calling for a stop to the fighting, such as using the pause to bring in more troops. The 2023 truce was similarly announced by Putin to coincide with a holiday – this time with Orthodox Easter, back then with Orthodox Christmas.
Apr 18.
18 Apr 25 . The Netherlands has pledged €150m to support the delivery of I-HAWK medium-range air defense systems to Ukraine. This commitment was announced on April 11, 2025, by Dutch Minister of Defence Ruben Brekelmans following the most recent meeting of the Ukraine Defence Contact Group in Brussels. The meeting, which brought together representatives from over 50 nations, focused on coordinating military assistance to Ukraine amid ongoing Russian aggression. The procurement and delivery of the I-HAWK systems will be carried out in cooperation with the United Kingdom, as part of a broader effort to strengthen Ukraine’s air defense capabilities. This pledge comes at a critical time, as Ukraine continues to endure relentless aerial attacks by Russian forces. Daily missile and drone strikes have targeted vital infrastructure, energy facilities, and civilian areas across Ukraine, underlining the urgent need to strengthen the country’s air defense network. The deployment of additional air defense systems, particularly those with medium-range capabilities like the I-HAWK, is essential to counter these ongoing threats and protect both military assets and civilian populations. The I-HAWK (Improved Homing All the Way Killer) is a modernized version of the original U.S.-made Hawk missile system, engineered to counter a broad spectrum of aerial threats with high precision. It is equipped with a semi-active radar-guided interceptor capable of neutralizing targets at ranges up to 40 kilometers and altitudes reaching 18 kilometers. The interceptor’s high-explosive fragmentation warhead is designed for maximum destructive effect, making it effective against aircraft, UAVs, and tactical ballistic missiles. A key strength of the I-HAWK system lies in its sophisticated radar infrastructure. It utilizes the AN/MPQ-50 pulse acquisition radar and AN/MPQ-51 high-power illuminator radar, enabling accurate detection, tracking, and engagement of airborne threats. These radar systems are enhanced with electronic counter-countermeasure (ECCM) capabilities, ensuring reliable functionality in environments contested by enemy electronic warfare. The system’s command and control architecture is equally advanced, featuring digital processing units for real-time data analysis and decision-making. This integrated, networked approach allows the I-HAWK to operate cohesively with other air defense platforms, significantly boosting its operational effectiveness. Designed for versatility, the system can be transported and deployed using tactical vehicles, allowing rapid mobility and adaptability to various combat environments. The I-HAWK missile system offers robust performance against a wide range of aerial threats. Its semi-active radar guidance enables high accuracy, with missile speeds exceeding Mach 2, making it suitable for both low- and high-altitude engagements. The system’s electronic warfare resilience, combined with its modular design, allows it to be integrated into multi-layered national defense networks. Its ability to operate in both static and mobile configurations makes it an adaptable asset for dynamic battlefields, and periodic upgrades to its radar and missile systems have extended its relevance and service life in modern military operations. (Source: Google/armyrecognition.com)
18 Apr 25 . Russian Su-35S fighter jets have taken on airborne radar reconnaissance missions in Ukraine, a role traditionally reserved for the larger, specialized A-50U airborne early warning and control aircraft. This development, reported by the Russian aviation-focused Telegram channel Fighterbomber, citing sources within Russia’s military aviation community, underscores the evolving dynamics of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine as of April 2025. The move comes as Russia scales back operations of its A-50U fleet, reportedly due to losses and the need to keep these critical assets farther from the front lines. With the Su-35S stepping into this unconventional role, questions arise about the operational and strategic implications for Russia’s air campaign and the broader trajectory of the war. The Fighterbomber Telegram channel, known for its ties to the Russian Aerospace Forces, stated, “The Su-35S has replaced the A-50, although forced to do so, confidently and vigorously. You can see the results in the news.” This claim, while lacking official confirmation from the Russian Ministry of Defense, points to a pragmatic adaptation driven by necessity. Russia’s A-50U fleet, estimated at eight aircraft before the conflict, has faced significant attrition. At least one A-50U was destroyed in January 2024 by a Ukrainian SCALP missile, and others have been targeted at airfields, prompting Moscow to reposition these high-value assets to safer distances. The Su-35S, a multirole fighter renowned for its advanced radar and combat capabilities, has emerged as a stopgap to fill the reconnaissance gap. This shift not only highlights Russia’s resource constraints but also showcases its ability to repurpose existing platforms under pressure. To understand the significance of this change, it’s essential to examine the Su-35S and its capabilities in detail. The Sukhoi Su-35S, NATO reporting name “Flanker-E,” is a single-seat, twin-engine, supermaneuverable fighter jet designed by the Sukhoi Design Bureau and built by the United Aircraft Corporation. An advanced derivative of the Soviet-era Su-27, the Su-35S is classified as a 4++ generation fighter, incorporating modern avionics, enhanced maneuverability, and a robust weapons suite. Measuring 71 feet in length with a 50-foot wingspan, the jet is powered by two Saturn AL-41F1S turbofan engines, each delivering 30,900 pounds of thrust with afterburners. This allows the Su-35S to reach speeds of Mach 2.25 [approximately 1,500 miles per hour] and operate at a combat radius exceeding 900 miles. Its supermaneuverability, enabled by thrust-vectoring nozzles and a sophisticated fly-by-wire system, makes it one of the most agile fighters in Russia’s arsenal, capable of sustaining up to 10 Gs during maneuvers. At the heart of the Su-35S’s new role is its Irbis-E radar, a passive electronically scanned array [PESA] system that forms the core of its N035 avionics suite. The Irbis-E can detect airborne targets at ranges up to 400 kilometers [250 miles] and track up to 30 targets simultaneously while engaging eight. Its ability to scan below the horizon enhances the jet’s capacity to detect ground-based targets, making it a viable, though limited, substitute for the A-50U’s radar capabilities. The Su-35S also features an infrared search-and-track system for passive targeting and can carry a diverse payload of up to 17,600 pounds, including R-77 and R-73 air-to-air missiles, precision-guided munitions, and electronic warfare pods.
Compared to Western fighters like the U.S. F-35 Lightning II, which relies on an active electronically scanned array [AESA] radar and stealth technology, the Su-35S prioritizes raw performance and firepower over low observability. While the F-35’s radar offers superior resolution and jamming resistance, the Irbis-E’s long-range detection makes the Su-35S a formidable platform for reconnaissance and air superiority missions. Historically, the Su-35S has been a cornerstone of Russia’s air operations. First introduced in 2014, it has seen action in Syria, where it conducted precision strikes and escorted bombers, and in Ukraine, where it has been deployed for long-range strikes and air patrols. Its versatility has made it a workhorse for the Russian Aerospace Forces, with approximately 100 Su-35S aircraft in service as of early 2025, according to open-source intelligence from Oryx. However, the jet’s new role as a radar reconnaissance platform is unprecedented. Unlike the A-50U, which uses the Shmel-M radar to provide 360-degree coverage and coordinate large-scale air operations with a crew of 15, the Su-35S is a single-pilot fighter with a narrower radar field of view and limited endurance. The A-50U can loiter for hours, detecting threats like cruise missiles and aircraft at ranges up to 600 kilometers, while the Su-35S, despite its impressive range, is constrained by fuel and pilot fatigue. This gap underscores the compromises Russia must navigate as it adapts to battlefield losses. The A-50U, based on the Ilyushin Il-76 airframe, is a critical asset for Russia’s air strategy. Equipped with advanced radar and infrared systems, it serves as a flying command post, directing missile strikes, coordinating air defenses like the S-400, and providing real-time situational awareness. Its loss or reduced availability creates a significant vulnerability, as evidenced by Russia’s cautious redeployment of these aircraft. The decision to employ the Su-35S in this role suggests a tactical pivot, likely driven by the need to maintain situational awareness over contested airspace without exposing the remaining A-50Us to Ukrainian air defenses. Ukraine has bolstered its capabilities with Western-supplied systems like the Patriot and NASAMS, which have proven effective against Russian aircraft. In February 2024, Ukrainian forces claimed to have downed two Su-35S jets, highlighting the risks faced by Russian pilots operating near the front lines. Operationally, the use of Su-35S jets for radar reconnaissance alters the dynamics of Russia’s air campaign in Ukraine. These fighters are likely tasked with limited reconnaissance missions, such as detecting Ukrainian aircraft or guiding other jets to targets, rather than providing the comprehensive command and control of an A-50U. This shift increases the workload on Su-35S pilots, who already juggle air superiority, ground attack, and escort duties. The added responsibility could strain Russia’s pilot pool and accelerate wear on the Su-35S fleet, which has already suffered losses. Oryx reports at least seven Su-35S jets lost since the conflict began in 2022, either to Ukrainian air defenses, friendly fire, or crashes. The increased exposure of Su-35S jets to contested airspace heightens their vulnerability, particularly as Ukraine employs electronic intelligence and drones to track Russian movements. Ukrainian forces could exploit this change by targeting Su-35S jets during predictable reconnaissance patterns, potentially using long-range missiles or ambushes by newly acquired F-16 fighters. The broader strategic context reveals deeper challenges for Russia’s military aviation. The A-50U fleet’s depletion reflects a broader issue: Russia’s struggle to replace high-value assets amid Western sanctions that restrict access to critical components. Producing new A-50Us, which rely on advanced electronics, is a slow and costly process, exacerbated by supply chain disruptions. This contrasts sharply with NATO’s robust airborne early warning capabilities, exemplified by the U.S. E-3 Sentry and the newer E-7 Wedgetail, which offer superior endurance and coordination. The E-3, for instance, can track hundreds of targets simultaneously and direct complex air operations, a capability Russia cannot fully replicate with the Su-35S. This disparity underscores NATO’s advantage in networked warfare, where integrated sensors and command systems provide a decisive edge. Russia’s adaptation, however, demonstrates a degree of resilience. By repurposing the Su-35S, Moscow is decentralizing its reconnaissance efforts, potentially reducing reliance on vulnerable centralized platforms like the A-50U. This approach mirrors historical precedents, such as the U.S. Navy’s use of F-14 Tomcats with AIM-54 Phoenix missiles for limited air control during the Cold War. While innovative, Russia’s solution is a compromise that cannot fully compensate for the A-50U’s capabilities. The Su-35S lacks the crew and systems needed for sustained, large-scale coordination, limiting its effectiveness in complex operations. Moreover, the jet’s high operational tempo could strain maintenance and logistics, especially as Russia prioritizes the production of new Su-35S and Su-57 fighters to offset losses. The conflict in Ukraine has become a testing ground for military innovation, and Russia’s use of the Su-35S for reconnaissance is a case study of adaptation under duress. Ukraine, meanwhile, is enhancing its own air capabilities. In addition to F-16s, Kyiv is set to receive Saab-340 AEW&C aircraft, which will integrate with NATO’s Link-16 network for improved coordination. These developments suggest an escalating air war, where both sides are adapting to technological and tactical challenges. Ukraine’s ability to exploit Russia’s vulnerabilities, such as targeting Su-35S jets during reconnaissance missions, could shift the balance in key sectors of the front. Looking ahead, Russia’s reliance on the Su-35S for radar reconnaissance raises questions about the sustainability of its air strategy. Can Moscow maintain this improvised approach without compromising other critical missions? Will Ukraine capitalize on this shift to disrupt Russian air operations? The answers depend on factors beyond the battlefield, including Russia’s industrial capacity and Ukraine’s access to Western support. For now, the Su-35S’s new role reflects both Russia’s ingenuity and its constraints, offering a glimpse into the evolving nature of modern warfare. As the conflict progresses, the skies over Ukraine will remain a crucible for testing the limits of technology, tactics, and resilience. (Source: Google//bulgarianmilitary.com/)
18 Apr 25. President Donald Trump will abandon attempting to negotiate a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine within a “matter of days” unless he sees clear signs a deal is possible, the top US diplomat has said. (Source: FT.com)
Apr 17.
KEY DEVELOPMENTS
- BAKHMUT: Russian forces have intensified assaults between Pokrovsk and Toretsk along the H-20 highway, aligning with our assessment that Russian forces are likely seeking to set conditions for an advance towards Kostiantynivka
- STRIKES: The UK would reportedly support Germany’s potential decision to send Taurus cruise missiles to Ukraine amid Moscow’s threats that this would escalate the war
- MINERALS: The US has reportedly softened its demands for Ukraine to repay aid provided by the US as part of an economic deal between the two countries amid ongoing negotiations over a minerals deal
- FORECAST: A moratorium on long-range strikes against energy infrastructure between Russia and Ukraine is due to expire in the coming days, potentially as early as 18 April
- BAKHMUT: Russian forces have intensified assaults between Pokrovsk and Toretsk, likely in an attempt to close the Ukrainian pocket defending the H-20 highway that runs north towards Kostiantynivka; this is likely the ultimate goal of the nascent spring offensive. Over the last few days, Russian forces have made confirmed advances to the south-west of Toretsk, with geolocated footage from 15 April confirming advances along the H-20. Other Ukrainian sources have confirmed that Russia has taken various villages to the east of the road, including Oleksandropil, Panteleymonivka and Valentynivka.
- BAKHMUT: The recent intensification of Russian assaults along the H-20 highway aligns with our long-standing assessment in the run-up to the spring offensive that Russian forces would likely pivot forces eastwards to begin building pressure on the large town of Kostiantynivka. If Russian forces manage to push north along the H-20, this will likely prove a mutually reinforcing operation. It will apply additional pressure on the eastern flank of Povrovsk and the western flank of Toretsk as well as facilitate the ultimate goal of setting conditions for a march on Kostiantynivka. It remains unlikely, however, that Russian forces will succeed in threatening Kostiantynivka in the short term, given the slow pace of advances even as the spring offensive begins to ramp up.
- BAKHMUT: However, geolocated footage published on 15 April also indicates that Ukrainian forces marginally advanced in northern Toretsk. This demonstrates that, while pressure is mounting on Ukrainian defences in the area, Ukrainian forces are continuing to launch limited counter-attacks across the town. These will likely further spoil Russian attacks and potentially delay the consolidation of the town; this, in turn, will likely delay any offensive towards Kostiantynivka.
- DONETSK: The Pokrovsk sector continues to be the theatre of intense fighting, with both sides having confirmed gains in recent days. Geolocated footage from 15 April shows marginal Russian advances in south-eastern Lysivka, located to the south-east of Pokrovsk. Russian forces had already made advances in western Lysivka as of 13 April. Meanwhile, Ukrainian forces have made confirmed gains in western Dachenske and the industrial zone in eastern Pishchane, located to the south-west and south-east of Pokrovsk, respectively. Pishchane has been the epicentre of intense fighting over the past few months, particularly as Kyiv has ramped up localised counter-attacks in the sector, contesting Russian advances.
- DONETSK: Ukraine’s drone advantage in the Pokrovsk sector continues to pose a major obstacle to Russian mechanised assaults. Viktor Trehubov, spokesperson for Ukraine’s Khortytsia Group of Forces, stated on 14 April that Russian forces are deploying a large number of vehicles in the Pokrovsk sector, primarily to provide fire support for offensive operations. However, Trehubov explained that Ukraine’s extensive use of drones renders heavy armoured vehicles ineffective in enabling a breakthrough, even when employed for fire support. As a result, Russian troops have ceased mechanised assaults in the area after suffering significant vehicle losses. Instead, Russian operations have in recent months predominantly involved small-scale infantry assaults. However, it is likely that the use of armoured vehicles will increase throughout the spring offensive in a bid to generate gains.
- KHARKIV: Nothing significant to report
- KURSK-SUMY: Nothing significant to report
- OSKIL-KREMINNA: Nothing significant to report
- SOUTHERN: Russian forces have intensified assaults to the north and north-west of Velyka Novosilka (Donetsk oblast) and have made some advances towards the Dnipropetrovsk oblast border. Geolocated footage published on 14 April indicates that Russian forces launched a mechanised assault towards the village of Shevchenko, located around eight miles (13km) to the north-west of Velyka Novosilka. Ukrainian sources report that the assault consisted of (at the least) a reinforced company involving 20 armoured vehicles and 41 motorcycles, with a tank reportedly reaching the eastern outskirts of the village before ‘blowing up’. We cannot confirm the strength of the Russian attack or the losses incurred.
- SOUTHERN: Further west along the Zaporizhzhia axis, geolocated footage from 14 April indicates that Russian forces advanced along the T-0812 road that connects Orikhiv and Zaporizhzhia city via Shcherbaky. Russian forces are now in control of the majority of Shcherbaky. Notably, Ukraine’s Southern Grouping of Forces Spokesperson Vladyslav Voloshyn reported on 15 April that Russian forces launched a battalion-sized assault with primarily small groups of infantry in the area. Russian forces reportedly attempted to create an electronic warfare (EW) ‘corridor’ to advance through. However, Ukrainian forces reportedly repulsed the attempt.
- STRIKES: In recent days, Russian long-range strikes have involved a variably large number of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), occasionally supplemented by missiles. The attack on 15 April included one Iskander-M/KN-23 ballistic missile, which was reportedly not intercepted. The strike primarily targeted Ukraine’s Sumy and Donetsk oblasts; the Ukrainian authorities did not specify details about the targets that were hit. The attack in the early hours of 17 April, involving in all 97 UAVs, targeted various Ukrainian regions. Hits were recorded in the south-eastern city of Dnipro (Dnipropetrovsk oblast), killing three people and injuring at least 30 others. The attack followed shortly after the highly lethal missile strike on Sumy City (Sumy oblast). Both incidents underscore the persistent vulnerability of Ukrainian cities to Russian attacks, particularly those near the frontline and the north-eastern border with Russia.
- STRIKES: Ukrainian military sources, quoted by the Kyiv Independent, reported that a Ukrainian drone strike hit positions of Russia’s 112th Missile Brigade in Shuya (Ivanovo oblast) in the early hours of 17 April, for the second consecutive day. The Russian brigade was reportedly responsible for co-ordinating the deadly ballistic missile strike on Sumy City (Sumy oblast) on 13 April. The attack highlights Kyiv’s growing long-range drone capabilities, given that Shuya is located 186 miles (300km) to the north-east of Moscow. It also underscores Ukraine’s ability to locate strategic military targets across Russia.
- STRIKES: On 16 April, an unnamed senior British foreign policy official quoted by the Telegraph stated that the UK would support Germany’s potential decision to send Taurus cruise missiles to Ukraine. The report comes shortly after Germany’s soon-to-be Chancellor, Friedrich Merz, reiterated his willingness to supply Taurus cruise missiles to Kyiv. Meanwhile, on 14 April, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov threatened Berlin with escalation should the German authorities agree to provide the missiles. Russia has made similar threats in response to missile provisions by France, the UK and the US in the past. These threats have not materialised, even when Ukraine used Western-supplied missiles to strike Russian territory. As such, we assess that if Merz proceeds with the provision of missiles, it is unlikely to result in an escalation with Russia. That said, Russia could realistically intensify grey zone operations in Germany in retaliation. For further analysis on Russian sabotage and grey zones, please see Sibylline Situation Update Brief – 13 December 2024.
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS
- MINERALS: The administration of US President Donald Trump has reportedly softened its demands for Ukraine to repay aid provided by the US as part of an economic deal between the two countries. Bloomberg reported on 16 April, citing unspecified insiders, that Washington DC has reduced its estimate for assistance given to Kyiv since the start of the full-scale invasion from USD 300 billion to around USD 100 billion. While this figure is now closer to Ukraine’s own assessment (over USD 90 billion), President Volodymyr Zelensky stated his opposition to classifying past US aid as a loan in late March.
- MINERALS: Although we cannot confirm the development, if true, it indicates that the US is willing to consider moderately easing terms. However, the Trump administration will unlikely abandon its position entirely that Ukraine should repay the US for past assistance, with this issue likely to remain a point of contention in ongoing negotiations on the minerals deal. That said, a reduction of the sum the US seeks to have reimbursed could realistically make the minerals deal more palatable for the Ukrainian side. This will possibly moderately increase the prospect of it being signed in the coming days and weeks.
- MINERALS: On 14 April, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Ukraine had presented a counterproposal on the deal in recent days and that negotiations were still ongoing. According to Bessent, the two sides are ‘very, very close’ to finalising the agreement, adding that the two sides could potentially sign it as early as this week. Zelensky disclosed on 15 April that negotiations with the US on the matter were progressing positively. This is despite conflicting reports on 11 April implying that the likelihood of a breakthrough was low due to an ‘antagonistic atmosphere’ during recent talks. Contradictory claims render the likelihood of a deal in the near term unclear, though it is possible that Zelensky said the talks were positive to avoid alienating the Trump administration and any possible backlash.
- MINERALS: Meanwhile, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt stated on 15 April that economic partnerships between the US and Russia could realistically incentivise Moscow to end its full-scale invasion. However, Leavitt emphasised that a ceasefire would be a prerequisite for any economic agreements. That said, Leavitt did not specify any current or potential economic deals between the two sides. Nevertheless, the remarks indicate that the Trump administration is officially willing to consider easing Russia’s economic isolation to encourage Moscow to cease hostilities. However, the prospect of economic partnerships with the US as a standalone factor will unlikely alter Russia’s position on ending the conflict; Moscow is likely to continue to try and achieve its maximalist objectives in Ukraine.
- BLACK SEA: Zelensky disclosed on 15 April that negotiations on ensuring security in the Black Sea were occurring in Turkey, in the capital Ankara. France, Turkey, the UK and Ukraine were part of the talks, which included discussions about deploying foreign military personnel to safeguard Black Sea waters. Zelensky specified that the discussions were focused on what would happen after reaching a ceasefire and security guarantees, rather than ending the war. However, Russia would highly likely oppose any such agreement, given that all these countries (with the exception of Ukraine) are NATO members, without significant concessions.
- SANCTIONS: The EU has reportedly abandoned the idea of pushing for a ban on imports of Russian liquified natural gas (LNG) due to opposition from some members and uncertainty about alternative supplies. Reuters reported this on 16 April, meaning that restrictions on Russian LNG are unlikely to feature in the EU’s upcoming 17th sanctions package. Russian LNG is one of the continent’s last major energy dependencies vis-à-vis Moscow, though a consensus on weaning the bloc off of it remains elusive.
- SANCTIONS: Meanwhile, President Trump has extended sanctions against Russian and Russian-affiliated vessels for another year. This is according to a US Federal Register document released on 15 April, scheduled for publication later on 17 April. Russia is believed to use more than 1,000 vessels to bypass sanctions. The extension of the punitive measures will sustain Western efforts to clamp down on Russia’s shadow fleet and its efforts to circumvent the G7’s oil price cap.
FORECAST
CEASEFIRE: A moratorium on long-range strikes against energy infrastructure between Russia and Ukraine is due to expire in the coming days, potentially as early as 18 April. The two sides have conflicting positions on the start and end dates of this partial ceasefire; uncertainties are present as to whether it was ever really implemented. Moscow believes it began on 18 March following a telephone call between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin. Meanwhile, Ukraine considers the ceasefire to have started on 25 March, when technical negotiations in Saudi Arabia took place. Differing timelines on the ceasefire’s implementation will increase the risk of intensified Russian long-range strikes against Ukrainian energy infrastructure resuming as early as 18 April, which will drive energy security risks and operational disruption. Although Russia will possibly intensify strikes against energy infrastructure, there is a realistic possibility that Moscow will regard other targets as being of a higher strategic value (namely military-industrial sites) now that the winter heating season is over. Russia has already significantly degraded Ukrainian energy infrastructure throughout the full-scale invasion; Ukraine’s Cabinet of Ministers announced the end of the heating season on 15 April. Previously, Russia had launched large-scale bombardments against energy infrastructure during the winter to weaken Ukrainian morale. However, with the weather improving, strikes are unlikely to have the same psychological impact. The Kremlin has refused to disclose the exact time when the moratorium will expire. Russia is possibly being deliberately vague about its expiration to present Moscow as having prolonged the moratorium as a goodwill gesture to give the impression to the US that it is serious about peace. However, we assess that Moscow is highly unlikely to have any genuine intentions to unilaterally extend the partial ceasefire in good faith because it wants the war to end. Rather, Russia will highly likely continue to claim (as it has done almost daily) that Ukraine is violating the agreement. In turn, it will use these (unconfirmed) incidents, possibly to renew intensified long-range strikes against Ukrainian energy infrastructure in the coming days. In the longer term, Moscow will realistically cite the strikes moratorium as evidence of why a broader ceasefire with Kyiv is not possible and that Russia must continue the war. Ukrainian assessments have meanwhile claimed that Russia has violated the ceasefire on strikes against energy infrastructure over 30 times since its agreement in March. Ukrainian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Heorhii Tykhyi stated on 16 April that Kyiv regularly sends detailed information on each of these incidents to its partners. Conversely, Russia routinely makes claims of Ukraine violating the agreement without providing evidence. Tykhyi also detailed three violations that had occurred in the previous 24 hours, including Russian attacks against transformers in Mykolaiv oblast and near Kherson (Kherson oblast) and a power transmission line in Poltava oblast. Meanwhile, Russia accused Ukrainian forces of targeting the Russian-controlled Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP) earlier on 17 April. The Russian-installed director of communications at the ZNPP implied that Ukraine conducted the (unverified) attack before the expiration of the moratorium intentionally and stated that this is testament to Ukraine’s unwillingness to support any peace initiatives. In actuality, Ukraine has agreed to an unconditional full ceasefire, while Russia has refused. Moscow has also preconditioned a Black Sea ceasefire on sanctions relief. As such, these accusations are highly likely part of Russia’s ongoing information operations to paint Kyiv as the impediment to peace. We also assess that a significant deterioration of nuclear security at the ZNPP is unlikely when the strike moratorium expires, with a major nuclear incident remaining a highly unlikely incident.
Apr 16.
- Europe: Cyber operation highlights cyber espionage risks from Russian state-sponsored groups. On 15 April, the cyber security company Check Point reported that the Russian state-sponsored group ‘Midnight Blizzard’ has targeted diplomatic entities in Europe in a cyber espionage campaign since at least January. Midnight Blizzard sends spear phishing emails from a spoofed email domain (emulating an unnamed ministry of foreign affairs) to trick victims into clicking on an embedded link and infiltrating targeted systems. The link deploys two legitimate files to feign legitimacy and covertly installs a new custom malware loader (‘GrapeLoader’). GrapeLoader then performs system reconnaissance and deploys a new version of the ‘WineLoader’ backdoor. The new malware variant boasts several new detection evasion techniques, thus showcasing the development and sophistication of Midnight Blizzard’s cyber capabilities. WineLoader enables Midnight Blizzard to maintain persistence within compromised systems and to exfiltrate sensitive data. As such, we assess that this operation highlights the long-term security and cyber espionage risks to European diplomatic entities.
Apr 14.
KEY DEVELOPMENTS
- BAKHMUT: Russian forces launched a highly unusual reconnaissance-in-force operation which managed to penetrate over three miles (5km) to the north of Toretsk along the T-0516 highway
- STRIKES: Russia launched the deadliest missile strike of the year against Sumy this week, highlighting likely overstretched air defences in the region
- MINERALS: Ukrainian and US officials have met to discuss a deal which would grant the US considerable access to Ukraine’s mineral wealth and resources, including potential control over gas pipelines
- FORECAST: US President Trump’s Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff met with Russian President Vladimir Putin amid US efforts to end the Russo-Ukrainian war; meanwhile, the US Special Envoy to Ukraine has indicated his support for a British- and French-led reassurance force inside Ukraine
- CASUALTIES: In an interview with CBS published on 13 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky stated that ‘as many as 100,000 Ukrainian soldiers’ have died in the war to date. While Zelensky did not provide a definitive number, this indicates a marked increase compared to Zelensky’s previous estimates. For example, on 16 February, Zelensky stated that more than 46,000 Ukrainian soldiers had died since the full-scale invasion, while earlier on 4 February he estimated that another 390,000 soldiers were injured. Meanwhile, the UK’s Ministry of Defence estimated on 14 April that Russia has sustained more than 920,000 casualties (both killed and wounded) since the beginning of the full-scale invasion in 2022.
- BAKHMUT: Both Russian and Ukrainian forces continue to fight over central Chasiv Yar (Donetsk oblast), with geolocated footage from 10 April indicating minor advances for both sides. However, further footage published on 12 April indicates that Russian forces have advanced in fields to the south of Chasiv Yar.
- BAKHMUT: Further south in Toretsk, Russian forces launched a highly unusual reconnaissance-in-force operation which managed to penetrate over three miles (5km) north of Toretsk along the T-0516 highway. Geolocated footage published on 11 April indicates that Russian vehicles and dismounted infantry advanced as far as Nelipivka, a village located to the north of Toretsk. This was highly likely a reconnaissance-in-force operation designed to disrupt Ukrainian logistics and spoil potential preparations for counter-attacks. A Kremlin-affiliated Russian milblogger reported on 12 April that the attack had resulted in a temporary advance designed to severe Ukrainian ground lines of communication (GLOCs). While Russian forces likely withdrew without establishing permanent positions, the fact that they managed to penetrate so far north of the frontline likely reflects the growing pressure on Ukrainian defences around Toretsk. The intensity of Russian attacks in and around Toretsk has stepped up over the last week and Russian forces are making confirmed advances across the town.
- DONETSK: In recent days, Russian offensive operations have continued to the east and south-west of Pokrovsk. Geolocated footage from 12 April indicates that Russian forces recently captured Kalynove and advanced north of Novotoretsk; the two settlements are located to the east of Pokrovsk. Such operations likely highlight Russia’s ongoing efforts to cross the Pokrovsk–Kostiantynivka road. Meanwhile, footage from 12 April also shows Russian advances in eastern Udachne, located to the south-west of Pokrovsk. Further to the south-west of Pokrovsk, Russian forces also continued offensive operations towards the Dnipropetrovsk oblast border, specifically in the direction of Novopavlivka (Dnipropetrovsk oblast). Notably, Russian forces advanced north-east of Nadiivka, located to the east of Novopavlivka, as of 11 April. Further south, in Donetsk oblast, Ukrainian forces advanced in central Kostiantynopil as of 11 April, located to the west of Kurakhove,
- KHARKIV: On 12 April, Ukraine’s Khortytsia Group of Forces reported that Russian forces operating in Kharkiv oblast are currently replenishing their forces in preparation for future offensive operations after taking high casualties. Russian forces have seen extremely limited advances in Kharkiv over the last six months, likely reflecting both robust Ukrainian defences and the fact that it is a lower priority for the Russian command.
- KURSK-SUMY: The Russian Ministry of Defence (MoD) claimed on 10 April that its forces had seized Zhuravka, a town located over 21 miles (34km) to the north of Sumy city (Sumy oblast). While geolocated footage confirms Russian forces are in control of the majority of the settlement, we cannot confirm if Ukrainian forces have withdrawn from the southern outskirts. That said, geolocated footage published on 11 April does indicate that Russian forces marginally advanced west of Zhuravka. Meanwhile, inside Kursk oblast, heavy fighting is taking place around the Gornalsky St Nicholas Monastery, located along the international border. The commander of a Russian artillery regiment operating in the area reported earlier on 14 April that Russian forces now have fire control of all roads leading to the monastery, though it remains unclear how strong Ukrainian defences are in the area.
- OSKIL-KREMINNA: In recent days, Russian forces have advanced in the Kupiansk area, where they are likely conducting mechanised assaults. Geolocated footage from 11 April shows recent Russian gains to the north of Stepova Novoselivka, located to the south-east of Kupiansk. A Ukrainian military source operating in the sector reported that Ukrainian forces repelled five Russian mechanised assaults using light armoured vehicles over the past week. Further south along the Oskil-Kreminna line, Russian forces continued ground assaults in the Borova and Lyman sector, though without making confirmed gains in recent days.
- SOUTHERN: Geolocated footage published on 10 April indicates that Russian forces advanced east of Shevchenko, located around seven miles (11km) to the north-west of Velyka Novosilka (Donetsk oblast).
- STRIKES: Russian ballistic missile strikes continue to inflict severe damage on Ukraine, owing to the difficulty in intercepting such projectiles. On 13 April, Russia launched in all two Iskandr-M ballistic missiles that struck the centre of Sumy (Sumy oblast). The attack killed 34 people and injured 117, making it the deadliest strike against Ukraine this year. Since the onset of the conflict, Sumy has been subject to intense air and long-range strikes. This likely indicates that air defence capabilities in the city and surrounding region remain highly stretched, providing Russian forces with opportunities to conduct highly lethal attacks. Concurrently, Russia has continued to carry out daily drone strikes in recent days.
- STRIKES: Ukraine’s vulnerability to Russian ballistic missiles is caused by its continued shortage of air defence systems capable of countering such threats, including the US-made Patriot system. In a recent interview with US media outlet CBS, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky stated that his country is prepared to purchase ten Patriot systems for a total of USD 15 bn. He noted that European partners are willing to assist Ukraine in financing the deal. However, according to Zelensky, Washington DC remains reluctant to agree to such a deal. As an alternative, the Ukrainian president proposed domestic production of these systems and the associated missiles. We have previously assessed that this option remains unlikely due to concerns over Russian industrial espionage. The US’s reluctance to supply or sell Patriot systems to Kyiv will likely mean that Ukraine remains highly vulnerable to Russian ballistic missile attacks.
- STRIKES: Meanwhile, according to the BBC, a Ukrainian F-16 was shot down by a missile on 12 April, possibly an R-37 air-to-air missile or a missile launched by an S-400 system. The circumstances of the incident are still under investigation. The incident likely indicates the relative effectiveness of Russian air defences against US-made F-16 aircraft, which Ukraine retains in limited numbers and has broadly deployed in defensive air defence operations during Russian strikes. It remains unclear if the F-16 was downed during a more risky and offensive operation closer to the frontlines.
- STRIKES: On 11 April, Ukraine’s Air Force reported that since the start of the war, Russia has fired in all approximately 67,000 guided aerial bombs and around 22,400 Shahed-136/131 drones since the onset of the war. These figures underscore Moscow’s capacity to mass-produce low-cost projectiles, like guided munitions and Shahed unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) that continue to overwhelm Ukraine’s air defences. Notably, according to Ukrainian government analysis, Russia is capable of deploying up to 500 guided bombs per week. Russian aircraft can launch them from a distance between 25 and 37 miles (40 and 60km), thereby reducing their exposure to Ukrainian air defences. Russia’s extensive use of glide bombs continues to overwhelm Ukraine’s already strained air defence systems and remains pivotal for Russian offensive operations.
- STRIKES: On 13 April, the German chancellor-in-waiting and leader of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Friedrich Merz, hinted that Germany could deliver long-range Taurus missiles to Ukraine. Merz further suggested he could authorise their use against strategic military infrastructure in occupied Crimea and the Kerch Bridge connecting the peninsula to Russia. This would mark a notable shift in Berlin’s stance on the war, given that the outgoing German government had been reluctant to provide Taurus missiles to Ukraine, primarily due to opposition from Chancellor Olaf Scholz. To proceed, Merz would require approval from the centre-left Social Democratic Party (SPD), which forms part of the coalition government he will lead. As such, the SPD’s approval would be the main limiting factor. If Berlin proceeds with such a move, it could realistically face resistance from the US, which could perceive the use of these systems as a threat to progress in peace talks. Washington DC would also likely oppose strikes against the Kerch Bridge, which would likely further reduce the prospects of a Black Sea ceasefire being reached in the foreseeable future.
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS
- MINERALS: Ukrainian and US officials met on 11 April to discuss a deal which would grant the US considerable access to Ukraine’s mineral wealth and resources. However, an unspecified insider told Reuters that the prospect of a breakthrough was limited given the ‘antagonistic’ atmosphere at the meeting. According to this individual, the strained nature of the talks stemmed from the US’ latest draft proposal, which they said is more expansive than the original version. This indicates that the two sides are still at odds over provisions within the agreement and that ties remain strained after the first version of the deal collapsed in late February.
- MINERALS: Conversely, US President Donald Trump’s envoy for Ukraine, Keith Kellogg, stated in an interview published on 11 April that renewed talks on the deal indicated that relations between Ukraine and the US were back on track. However, he acknowledged that the US side had underestimated what was involved in securing a deal. Kellogg also conceded that Ukraine’s parliament would make the final decision on whether the US would be granted access to Ukrainian critical minerals.
- MINERALS: While we cannot confirm the Reuters report, we have previously assessed that the deal offers the US highly preferential terms disproportionate to the advantages for Ukraine. Kyiv will highly likely want to stall the deal in an attempt to obtain more beneficial terms for itself over the coming days and weeks, though its ability to do so is likely limited. In turn, this will reduce the likelihood of an agreement being signed in the near term. For further analysis regarding the terms of the minerals deal, see Sibylline Ukraine Update – 31 March 2025.
- MINERALS: A previously unknown detail in the draft is a US demand that it takes control of a natural gas pipeline from Russia that runs across Ukraine to Europe. Reuters reported on this detail on 11 April, noting that the US government’s International Development Finance Corporation would control the pipeline. Reuters did not specify which pipeline and why the US is seeking such terms. However, this could realistically indicate US interest in facilitating Russian gas supplies back to Europe as part of economic incentives to encourage Moscow to end the war. However, alongside the fact that Kyiv had already refused to extend the transit of Russian gas through Ukraine beyond 1 January, facilitating Russian gas exports to Europe would also seemingly undermine the Trump administration’s efforts to encourage Europe to purchase more US liquified natural gas (LNG).
- CONSCRIPTION: The deputy head of Ukraine’s presidential office advocated on 13 April for Ukrainian women to undergo mandatory military service. Pavlo Palisa, who is also a Colonel, stated that Ukraine should study Israel’s experience, which has successfully recruited women into the military for years. However, he acknowledged that this was merely his opinion and that he was not sure if others agreed with him in the wider presidential office. Although an adviser on gender issues to the commander of Ukraine’s ground forces previously floated a similar idea, it is unlikely this will take place in the near term. Ukraine’s enduring demographic crisis and labour shortages will likely mean that there is sustained reluctance to make military service mandatory for women, even as personnel shortages continue to worsen.
FORECAST
CEASEFIRE: On 11 April, President Trump’s Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff met with Russian President Vladimir Putin amid US efforts to end the war in Ukraine. The Kremlin offered limited details of their meeting in a readout, though Press Secretary Dmitry Peskov had previously cautioned against expecting a breakthrough in the negotiations. Recent comments from the Kremlin likely reflect continued efforts to stall progress towards securing a cessation of hostilities. On 13 April, Peskov assessed that negotiations were progressing ‘very well’, but emphasised that it is impossible to expect any instant results. Peskov blamed what he described as damage to bilateral relations under Trump’s predecessor, President Joe Biden, as the reason for this. While trust between the two sides will almost certainly take time to rebuild, this is most likely a convenient delaying tactic for Moscow to not enter a comprehensive ceasefire arrangement in the near term, which it likely assesses is not in its strategic or military interests at this stage. It is also possible that, by making such comments, the Russian side hopes to gain more concessions from the US side before agreeing to a ceasefire. Such concessions would likely first concern sanctions relief and possibly an agreement from the US to halt intelligence sharing and the transport of military equipment to Ukraine. Russia has already made its desire for sanctions relief clear by stating that this was necessary to enact a ceasefire in the Black Sea. Other demands could realistically include the US taking steps which Russia considers to address the ‘roots’ of the conflict (namely acknowledging Russian control over Ukrainian lands and curtailing Kyiv’s ambitions to join NATO). That said, Moscow will highly likely need to strike a balance to avoid alienating the Trump administration over the coming weeks and months given growing open frustration at the limited progress towards securing a halt in hostilities. This was further reinforced by Trump’s recent remarks; on 12 April; Trump insisted that there is a point ‘at which you just have to either put up or shut up.’ His comments came a day after he said Russia needs to ‘get moving’ with a peace deal. Notably, reports emerged on 11 April that Trump could impose fresh punitive measures on Russia either through executive powers or by asking Congress to pass additional new sanctions legislation if no ceasefire deal is reached by the end of this month. While we cannot confirm these reports, we have frequently assessed that sanctions remain a tool at the Trump administration’s disposal to encourage (or coerce) Moscow in an attempt to end the war. Nevertheless, Witkoff argues that agreeing to recognise Russian ownership of the four regions it annexed in 2022 is the fastest way to broker a ceasefire. This concerns Ukraine’s Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia oblasts. Witkoff has made such comments previously and publicly, though this stance is not held across the entire Trump administration. For example, the US special envoy to Ukraine, Keith Kellogg, reportedly pushed back against Witkoff’s comments and stated that Kyiv would never agree to unilaterally cede total ownership of these lands to Russia. That said, Kellogg emphasised that Ukraine would be willing to negotiate some terms related to territorial disputes. Converging opinions among key players in the Trump administration will likely create obstacles when determining concessions on crucial issues, such as territory. Witkoff has emerged as an influential figure in US efforts to re-engage with Russia and end the Ukraine war. Notably, reports emerged in March that Kellogg had been sidelined from peace talks because the Kremlin complained that he was too close to Kyiv. We assess that this dynamic could realistically increase the likelihood of Ukraine’s position being underrepresented in the peace process or disregarded, thereby elevating the possibility of Russia extracting more favourable terms upon which to end (or temporarily freeze) the war. Lastly, Kellogg outlined his support for European troops potentially overseeing zones of control in the west of Ukraine as part of a post-war deal. In an interview published on 11 April, Kellogg explained that British and French troops could hypothetically be deployed to regions west of the Dnieper River. Meanwhile, Ukrainian forces would oversee regions on the other side of the Dnieper River, with Russia occupying the regions it currently controls beyond a demilitarised zone spanning 18 miles (30km). However, this plan would likely require implicit US recognition of the land Russia controls at present, which would highly likely be contentious for Ukraine and its European allies. However, the comments are notable given they are the first suggestion from a senior US official that the Dnieper River could become a demarcation line within Ukraine after a ceasefire. Kellogg later clarified that his comments were not expressing support for partitioning Ukraine and that the article had misrepresented some of his comments. We have previously assessed that Russia seeks to revise Ukraine’s borders beyond the regions to which Moscow lays claim (see Sibylline Ukraine Update – 7 March 2024). Although Kellogg claimed that European forces overseeing peace in western parts of Ukraine would not be ‘provocative at all’ to Russia, Moscow would almost certainly oppose it. Under such an agreement, European forces (which are members of NATO) would be close to Russia’s (de facto) borders. Even prior to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russia had complained of what it perceived to be NATO’s creeping eastward expansion. This, according to Moscow, remains one of the ‘root causes’ of the war. As such, the deployment of a British- and French-led reassurance force inside Ukraine would most likely only occur in the absence of a definitive peace deal, given Moscow’s likely objection. (Source: Sibylline)
17 Apr 25. Kyiv and Washington have signed an MoI pledging an agreement on an investment fund for Ukraine’s natural resources and energy assets, officials familiar with the matter told the Financial Times. (Source: FT.com)
15 Apr 25. Joint Statement: 16th Ukraine Defence Contact Group – National Armaments Directors Format. Joint Statement from Ukraine, Germany and the United Kingdom, co-chairs of the Ukraine Defence Contact Group (UDCG). On Friday 11 April the National Armaments Directors (NADs) from over 40 nations met at the NATO Headquarters in Brussels. They were supported by multiple international government organisations. They agreed to ensure that the commitments made in the UDCG Ministerial Format are rapidly converted into contracts with industry and the tangible delivery of support to Ukraine to ensure Ukraine is able to sustain the resolute defence of her sovereignty and her people and negotiate a lasting and secure peace. The UDCG NAD Format, co-chaired by Ukraine, Germany and the UK and building on the work of the US since its inception, will report its progress to the June ministerial meeting. (Source: https://www.gov.uk/)
14 Apr 25. Norway to invest $937m in Ukrainian brigade training initiative. The commitment is part of a larger Nordic and Baltic initiative in close cooperation with Ukrainian authorities. Norwegian Defence Minister Tore Sandvik has revealed plans to invest Nkr10bn ($937.4m) towards the establishment and preparation of a Ukrainian brigade. The country is at the forefront of efforts to train soldiers for this new unit, which is being developed in collaboration with nations from the Nordic and Baltic regions. This pledge was made during the Ukraine Defense Coordination Group’s gathering in Brussels on 11 April 2025. In response to a direct appeal from Ukraine, Norway, along with its Nordic and Baltic partners, will engage closely with the Ukrainian government to supply both training and necessary equipment for the brigade. A brigade typically comprises various arms, creating a self-sufficient ground combat force capable of independent operations. The size of such a unit usually ranges from 3,000 to 5,000 troops. The initiative is designed to be adaptable and expandable, aiming to meet the specific requirements of the Ukrainian military in terms of equipment provision and training.
Sandvik said: “The initiative will not be about equipping and training a complete new brigade. What Ukraine needs are “building blocks” in the form of smaller units that can form part of and reinforce existing brigades. Under Norwegian leadership, the Nordic and Baltic countries work closely with Ukrainian authorities to ensure that the training and equipment meet Ukrainian needs as well as possible.”
During his time in Brussels, Sandvik also met bilaterally with his Ukrainian counterpart, Rustem Umerov. Additionally, Norway is contributing to a British-led support package, which includes funding for radar systems and drones. The Norwegian government has proposed an increase in military support to Ukraine for 2025, with an additional Nkr50bn. This increase brings Norway’s total contribution to the Nansen programme to Nkr85bn for the current year.
Sandvik added: “The support will go to materiel that is most important for Ukraine in its defence against Russia. We will continue to direct support towards, among other things, maritime security and air defence, as well as drones and autonomous systems. The government will also use funds to strengthen cooperation with the Ukrainian defence industry and acquire materiel from them.”
Furthermore, Sandvik signed an agreement in Brussels for Norway to join the drone coalition and a memorandum of understanding for participation in the coalition for electronic warfare (EW). With these agreements, the total funds allocated for the Nansen programme from 2023 to 2030 have risen to Nkr205bn. (Source: army-technology.com)
14 Apr 25. Quantum Systems Partners with Ukraine’s Frontline to Integrate Cutting-Edge C-UAS Capabilities. Quantum Systems, the German-Ukrainian supplier of unmanned aerial intelligence solutions, has announced a strategic cooperation and investment agreement with Frontline, a Ukrainian company specializing in military robotic systems. This cooperation marks a significant step in Euro-Ukrainian defense industry integration. The agreement was signed on April 9th under the chairmanship of the Minister for Strategic Industries, Herman Smetanin, and is focused on integrating Frontline’s counter-unmanned aerial system (C-UAS) solution into Quantum Systems’ unmanned aerial systems (UAS). This C-UAS capability is based on a deep understanding of modern warfare and is intended to be a component of the Quantum Systems Vector AI reconnaissance drone and other Family of Systems drones. Frontline is a Ukrainian Defense technology company founded in August 2023 by four Ukrainians. Since 2014, its founders have developed a series of robotic solutions for the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which have been deployed in the field and are successfully in use. The company is currently focused on developing a set of interconnected aerial and ground robots that provide unmanned superiority on a specific tactical area up to 15 km deep. The collaboration was formalized through the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding on Wednesday, April 9th, 2025, at the Ministry of Strategic Industries of Ukraine. The document was signed by Quantum Systems Co-CEO Sven Kruck and the Managing Director of Quantum Systems Ukraine, Oleksandr Berezhnyi, and by Frontline CEO Yevhenii Tretiak and CTO Pavlo Kosolapkin. The signing ceremony was chaired by the Minister for Strategic Industries Herman Smetanin and Representatives of the German Embassy in Ukraine. The strategic investment increases Quantum Systems’ presence in Ukraine through its local subsidiary Quantum Systems LLC, which functions as a fully Ukrainian company. As part of its long-term plan, Quantum Systems is growing local production, creating jobs, and integrating with Ukrainian defense institutions and innovators.
“Our cooperation with Frontline is a strategic leap forward, not just technologically, but industrially. As a German-Ukrainian company, we are proud to invest in and integrate with Ukraine’s top MilTech innovators. This is about building systems in Ukraine, for Ukraine, and for the future of European defense.” Oleksandr Berezhny , MD of Quantum Systems Ukraine
“We are excited to join forces with Quantum Systems and bring our technologies to a broader operational framework. This partnership is a powerful vote of confidence in Ukraine’s defense industry, and in our ability to deliver world-class capabilities that are built for the realities of modern warfare.” Yevhenii Tretiakave, CEO of Frontline
“This is another step toward deepening the integration of the German company into Ukraine’s defense industry. I am grateful to Quantum Systems for their interest in cooperation and for the concrete steps and results achieved. Our collaboration significantly strengthens the defense sector through the introduction of cutting-edge technologies and the enhancement of existing systems. I am pleased that Ukraine’s defense industry has such a strong and consistent partner. Our partnership is mutually beneficial and already delivering tangible results. I am convinced this will serve as an incentive for other defense companies around the world to come work in Ukraine, in cooperation with our enterprises.” Herman Smetanin, Minister for Strategic Industries, Ukraine. (Source: UAS VISION)
14 Apr 25. UK sends multi-million pound military equipment loan to Ukraine. The UK makes second £752m payment to Ukraine through the Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration Loans for Ukraine scheme. A £752m payment has today (14 April) been sent to Ukraine through the Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration Loans for Ukraine scheme. The funding will support Ukraine to procure vital military equipment, including urgently needed air defence. This comes as Russia continues its air assault on Ukraine, striking the city of Sumy. The loan, which will be paid for through the profits of sanctioned Russian sovereign assets in the EU, forms part of a wider £2.26bn loan agreed between the Chancellor and Minister Marchenko on 1 March. The payment highlights the UK’s steadfast support to Ukraine whilst building on the Chancellor’s Spring Statement pledge to go further and faster to protect our national security and maximise the economic growth potential of the UK defence sector. The equipment support and maintenance elements will be mainly spent in the UK, boosting the UK economy and skilled jobs.
Rachel Reeves, Chancellor of the Exchequer said: “The world is changing before our eyes, reshaped by global instability, including Russian aggression in Ukraine. A strong Ukraine is vital to UK national security and this second tranche of funding will help put them in the strongest possible position, and contribute towards our collective security.”
Defence Secretary, John Healey MP said: “2025 is the critical year for Ukraine and this is the critical moment. This is the moment for our defence industries to step up, and they are; a moment for our militaries to step up, and they are; a moment for our Governments to step up, and we are. This new tranche of funds is part of our £4.5bn of military support this year – more than ever before – and will be used to buy urgently needed air defence, artillery, and parts to help repair vehicles and equipment to get them back into the fight. We are stepping up support for Ukraine to deter Russian aggression and bolster Britain’s national security as the foundation of our Plan for Change. Today’s payment forms the second part of the UK’s £2.26bn loan, which has been spaced into three separate tranches to give Ukraine more flexibility and allow them to swiftly adapt to the ever-changing battlefield. The first payment was made on 6 March, with the final payment to follow in 2026.”
The multi-billion payment forms part of the UK’s contribution to the Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration Loans for Ukraine scheme, which is a G7 commitment to collectively support Ukraine through a total of $50bn. It follows a £450m surge in military support that was announced by the UK last week, which includes £350m from this year’s record £4.5bn military support funding for Ukraine. Further funding is being provided by Norway, via the UK-led International Fund for Ukraine. In addition to providing financial support, the Ministry of Defence will also support Ukraine to procure the equipment needed to fight Russia’s invasion. This will include a new ‘close fight’ military aid package – with funding for radar systems, anti-tank mines and hundreds of thousands of drones – worth more than £250m, using funding from the UK and Norway. The government’s Plan for Change will see UK defence spending increased to 2.5% of GDP by 2027. The UK’s world-leading defence sector is vital to the economy, supporting 430,000 high-skilled, high-paid jobs across the UK and strengthening our security. 68% of defence spending is outside of London and the South East, benefitting every nation and region of the UK. (Source: https://www.gov.uk/)
13 Apr 25. Germany is willing to send Taurus long-range missiles to Ukraine, the country’s chancellor-in-waiting has said. (Source: FT.com)
13 Apr 25. Ukraine is capable of independently producing air defence systems under the FrankenSAM programme. Oleksandr Kamyshin, Senior Advisor to the President of Ukraine on Strategic Issues, confirmed this during a briefing on the occasion of the Day of the Armourer. (Source: Google/https://www.msn.com/)
11 Apr 25. Cuashub.com said today that Ukraine unveils new drone interceptor for Russian Shaheds. Ukraine has revealed a domestically produced drone interceptor capable of targeting and downing Iranian-designed Shahed drones used by Russia, marking another development in the country’s push to expand its defense-industrial capabilities. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky presented footage of the drone in action during a recent visit to Kyiv by Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever. The system was showcased as part of a broader demonstration of defense innovations aimed at strengthening cooperation with Belgium’s defense sector. According to Ukrainian developers, the drone has already been deployed in combat and has intercepted over 20 Shahed drones in the past two months. The aircraft reportedly has a maximum speed of 200 km/h and a ceiling of 5 km, and it is also capable of engaging smaller reconnaissance drones. While detailed specifications remain undisclosed, developers claim the platform is currently the most successful Shahed interceptor in Ukrainian service. It forms part of a broader national effort to develop cost-effective counter-UAS systems that can reduce reliance on high-value air defense missiles when confronting low-speed, small aerial threats. The presentation also served a diplomatic and industrial purpose, highlighting ongoing defense cooperation between Ukraine and Belgium. In November 2024, Kyiv and Thales Belgium signed a memorandum of understanding to co-produce 70mm guided missiles. The agreement will enable Ukraine to manufacture FZ275 laser-guided rockets, expanding its domestic missile production capabilities. The new interceptor drone is one of several UAS systems reportedly adopted by the Ukrainian Defense Forces in recent months, as the country seeks to counter persistent threats from Russian loitering munitions and surveillance platforms through rapid innovation and international partnerships. https://cuashub.com/en/content/ukraine-unveils-new-drone-interceptor-for-russian-shaheds/ (Source: https://cuashub.com/)
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Founded in 1987, Exensor Technology is a world leading supplier of Networked Unattended Ground Sensor (UGS) Systems providing tailored sensor solutions to customers all over the world. From our Headquarters in Lund Sweden, our centre of expertise in Network Communications at Communications Research Lab in Kalmar Sweden and our Production site outside of Basingstoke UK, we design, develop and produce latest state of the art rugged UGS solutions at the highest quality to meet the most stringent demands of our customers. Our systems are in operation and used in a wide number of Military as well as Homeland Security applications worldwide. The modular nature of the system ensures any external sensor can be integrated, providing the user with a fully meshed “silent” network capable of self-healing. Exensor Technology will continue to lead the field in UGS technology, provide our customers with excellent customer service and a bespoke package able to meet every need.
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