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28 Sep 22. Pound fall is putting UK military spending targets out of reach. Commitments to double defence spending were already ambitious before the pound slid to a historic low this week against the dollar. The UK Government’s ambitious plan to double its defence budget took a blow yesterday after the financial markets reacted to the Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng’s 30 point ‘mini-budget’ announced on Friday 23 September and the pound fell to a new low against the dollar. Prime Minister Liz Truss, during her recent campaign for leadership of the Conservative Party, pledged a multi-billion pound increase in defence spending that would raise the military budget to 3% of GDP. Under existing conditions that translated to raising military spending from £48bn to £100bn by 2030, Defence Secretary Ben Wallace was reported to have said on Sunday 25 September.
“23% of MoD funds currently allocated for platform acquisitions have been awarded to US suppliers”
However, on Monday 26 September the value of the pound fell to its lowest ever level recorded against the US dollar, with investors withdrawing over concerns about the sustainability the UK’s public finances. At its lowest the dollar value of the UK economy dropped 13% below where it had sat when Liz Truss became Prime Minister three weeks ago, without significant signs of recovery.
“This budget was already ambitious in the current fiscal environment, even prior to the currency devaluation we’re seeing today,” said Madeline Wilde, defence and security analyst at GlobalData. “If the devaluation problems continue in the longer term, then there is propensity for both ongoing and planned procurement programs to suffer.”
Later on Monday the Bank of England said it would ‘not hesitate’ to increase interest rates to stabilise inflation but stopped short of suggesting an emergency rate hike to stabilise the pound, in a statement intended to stabilise markets and halt further investor flight. This may reassure the markets of the UK’s monetary discipline in the face of inflationary trends, but the implications for outstanding defence contracts can be severe. “Even if the Bank of England increases interest rates in response to the crisis, the enormous growth rate set out by the defence minister will be difficult to meet,” continued Wild.
“If the pound remains weak against the dollar in the longer term, it could result in US contenders being too expensive”
Changes to interest rates have implications for long term equipment plans, inflating prices and increasing the cost of programmes that have been planned. “Many ongoing procurement programmes for large platforms are governed by multi-year contracts, thus spreading the cost but making them vulnerable to fiscal changes,” said Wilde. The increase in pressures on the state’s budget may be counter-productive at a time when the Treasury is attempting to demonstrate financial soundness. “The British government is already borrowing a huge amount; to nearly double the defence budget by 2030 will have a significant impact on state spending as a whole.”
A reduction in the value of the pound can be expected to give a competitive edge to UK exporters in the defence industry, but as the currency’s purchasing power drops the Ministry of Defence’s (MoD) current purchasing plans with US companies becomes too costly. “The weakening of the pound against the US dollar will make it harder for the UK government to fund the £100bn 2030 defence budget that was recommitted by Defence Minister Ben Wallace yesterday.”
Through the next ten years, 23% of MoD funds currently allocated for platform acquisitions have been awarded to US suppliers, according to GlobalData. “For planned programmes, if the pound remains weak against the dollar in the longer term, it could result in US contenders being too expensive,” said Wilde. (Source: army-technology.com)
27 Sep 22. British Army needs to be “more lethal” on the battlefield.
A senior British Army official has called for the force to be “more lethal” in future, as lessons being learned from the ongoing Ukraine-Russia war and the renewed emphasis on long-range fires looks to shape acquisition and doctrine for years to come. The use by Ukraine of long-range fires, including artillery and guided rockets from systems such as the US-supplied M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System and M777 155mm howitzers, when combined with accurate battlefield intelligence, has provided a decisive effect on the battlefield. Through the supply of such systems, able to engage Russian forces at long range, Ukraine has turned the tide in the eight-month-long war.
Not content with the supply of military equipment to Ukraine, NATO countries are also taking onboard the experiences of Ukrainian forces so far, which have presented an opportunity to explore the efficacy of western platforms against a persistent rival in Moscow.
Speaking at the recent DVD 2022 event at UATC Millbrook, Lieutenant General Sharon Nesmith, Deputy Chief of the General Staff, called for a British Army that was “more lethal” with an enhanced ability to provide “decisive effect at reach”.
In addition, Nesmith said that the future British Army must be “more agile” and return to its roots as an expeditionary force, engaged in NATO’s flanks, as well as Africa, the Middle East and Indo-Pacific. Despite the intention to engage overseas, the British Army would not see a return to a “geographically-fixed” force, as was seen during the years of the Cold War.
To this end, a number of procurement programmes are known to be underway or being drawn up, which will see the retirement of the British Army’s AS90 self-propelled 155mm howitzer, which entered service in the early 1990s and is now showing its age compared to more modern competitors.
Although competition to the AS90 is still at its early stages, with an RfP expected to emerge from the UK Ministry of Defence in Q2/3 next year, international offerings such as the South Korean K9 Thunder, present at DVD 2022, expected to be among the contenders.
It also emerged at the event that the UK is looking to double its M270 Multiple Launch Rocket System fleet in a bid to increase the quantity and quality of the British Army’s long-range fires capability, with aspiration for an uplift in vehicle numbers of up to 100% of the current 40-strong force, and is also seeking munitions that could be fired at ranges of up to 150km.
Meanwhile, the UK is also looking to partner with US and Australian efforts to develop land effect munitions that have a range of up to 500km, a capability that would potentially alter contemporary concepts of operations, bringing land-based fires onto a similar strategic plane as air-launched effectors.
With the long-range fires of the AS90 replacement and M270 recapitalisation planned or underway, attention could turn to other medium-range systems in service, including the L118 105mm light gun. At present, the artillery system is drawn by the ageing Pinzgauer utility vehicle, a combination that lacks the ability to ‘shoot-and-scoot’, thus avoiding counter-battery fire.
One solution showcased at DVD 2022 was presented by Supacat, which had installed a 105mm light gun onto an HMT 600 6×6, a vehicle already in service with the British Army, fitted with soft recoil technology. Serving personnel were overheard to comment positively about the benefits such a combination would have over the current towed configuration.
(Source: army-technology.com)
26 Sep 22. Despite economic woes, UK leaders tout massive defense-spending hike. Britain may be in economic turmoil right now but that hasn’t stopped Defense Secretary Ben Wallace emphasizing the new government’s pledge to effectively double spending on the military by 2030.
In his first interview since the Conservative government, led by new Prime Minister Liz Truss, took office earlier this month Wallace said defense spending by the end of the decade would see a massive increase, doubling annually to £100bn ($107bn) compared with £48bn ($51bn) now.
The interview has raised questions among some analysts who wonder whether the plan is affordable and are skeptical over exactly how the British are going to digest such a massive budgetary increase in such a short time.
Wallace told the Sunday Telegraph Sept. 26 that Truss had been adamant about defense being a priority, pledging to increase spending to “2.5 percent [of GDP] by 2026 and 3 percent by 2030.”
The defense secretary, one of the few senior ministers to stay in post when the Truss government was formed, declined to give any details of when, where and even how the money might be spent.
Heavy artillery, reversing planned cuts to the British Army, and increased investments in intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition, and reconnaissance (ISTAR) capabilities all got a mention as potential beneficiaries, though.
“It’s highly likely we will grow the Army, but it might not be in the places the armchair generals want you to, because what we desperately need is to, for example, invest in our intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capability,” Wallace said.
Much depends on the lessons learned from the Russian invasion of the Ukraine.
During a trip to New York to attend the United Nations General Assembly last week Truss confirmed that a new look at the government’s integrated defense and security review, published in 2021, was underway as a result of the attack.
The pledge of what would be a huge rise in defense spending comes as the Ministry of Defence and the country in general brace for tough economic times. Rising inflation, a slump in the value of the Pound against the dollar and sky high fuel costs are battering defense department finances.
With the Pound approaching parity with the dollar it’s not just a problem for the government.
Industry will suffer, too, said John Louth, an independent analyst here. “A lot of companies haven’t sufficiently hedged the exchange costs in their supply chains; it is going to be an absolute nightmare,” he said.
The economic difficulties have driven some analysts here to question whether a £100bn-a-year defense budget is affordable let alone whether the MoD could rapidly digest such huge spending increases.
Malcolm Chalmers, the deputy director general of the Royal United Services Institute think tank in London, made clear the scale of the effort required to spend such a huge budget increase.
A 3% rise would be equivalent to about £157bn ($168bn) in additional spending over the next eight years compared with current plans, he wrote in a paper published recently.
According to Louth, spending so much additional money sensibly would be a struggle.
“They are grappling with how do they effectively double spending in six years,” he said. “I don’t think they understand what their priorities are yet, or how they can programmatize such an effort.”
Louth added: “We are in an era of ‘Alice in Wonderland’ economics in the U.K., so answers to those kind of questions likely won’t matter anyway.”
Howard Wheelden, a consultant at Wheeldon Strategic Advisory in London reckons there is little chance the budget numbers touted by Wallace and Truss will actually be met
With little more than two years before the next general election, Wheeldon said rebuilding the economy in that time will be little short of a miracle. “Bringing voters on-side to believe that doubling spending on defense by 2030 … is hard to comprehend,” he said. (Source: Defense News Early Bird/Defense News)
27 Sep 22. Turkey: PPK Attack. On 26 September, assailants with small arms and improvised explosive devices killed at least one police officer and injured several others in an attack on a police station in the Tece neighbourhood, roughly 10km south of Mersin city, a tourist hub on the southern Mediterranean coast. Turkey’s Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu confirmed that members of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) were responsible for the attack, with two assailants killed by local security forces and another arrested at the time of writing.
SIGNIFICANCE
* The attack is largely on-trend with observed PKK military operations in southeastern Turkey. Previously numerous active PKK cells have been identified in Mersin, with local counter-terrorism operatives arresting five suspected PKK members in November 2021 and detaining up to 43 more in February 2022. Turkey’s tri-state border area with Syria and Iraq remains largely porous, facilitating the movement of militants to southern areas such as Mersin, Adana and Hatay.
* The armed attack comes amid an inflammatory phase of Operation Claw-Lock (OCL), Turkey’s latest offensive against the PKK across communities in northern Iraq (see Sibylline Alert – 27 April 2022). Since the launch of OCL in April, the Turkish government regularly announces the death of PKK militants and senior officers during cross-border attacks, often prompting retaliatory assaults on Turkish forces. Notably, one of the arrested assailants reportedly trained in the Qandil area in northern Iraq.
* Turkish counter-terrorism forces also regularly conduct operations targeting militants associated with Islamic State (IS) branches, including the detention of at least eight IS-affiliated members by Mersin provincial anti-terror and intelligence departments on 26 September. Therefore, the success of the recent PKK attack is relatively unusual in terms of gaps in Turkish counterterrorism intelligence but does not signal a major shift in terms of PKK capabilities or expansion in the area.
* In the aftermath of the attack, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan denounced Turkey’s political opposition, including Turkey’s largest opposition party the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the People’s Democratic Party (HDP) for allegedly supporting “terrorist organisations”. Social media accounts and state-backed outlets report the alleged inclusion of one of the assailants on a CHP “Imprisoned Journalists Report” list, representing a point of contention ahead of the June 2023 elections.
FORECAST
While the attack remains in line with observed trends in areas near the Turkish-Syrian border and the established presence of PKK actors across the Mersin province, the attack will heighten Turkish security posture along the Syrian border in the coming days and weeks. This is likely to increase cross-border targeting of PKK strongholds, including near the Kurdish-held city of Kobane in Syria, and retaliatory attacks by Kurdish forces. This will sustain the existing elevated threat environment for business staff and assets operating in Turkey’s southeast, particularly due to the realistic possibility of miscalculation and incidental risks to firms associated with or operating alongside the Turkish military and security forces in the area. However, it is unlikely PKK actors would target directly Western businesses. A prolonged escalation of violence in the longer term is also likely to negatively affect cross-border trade with neighbouring countries. Logistics and transport companies relying on overland supply chain routes are likely to be more exposed to attack risks and travel disruptions across Turkey’s southeast. Moreover, a continued deterioration of the security environment in the Mersin province could further impact its reputation as a tourism hub. However, while an uptick in attacks affecting Turkish areas along the Syrian border in the coming weeks has a realistic possibility of dampening visitor interest due to security concerns, it is unlikely that countries will issue travel warnings or raise existing alert levels that will impact wider tourism trends in Turkey.
Additionally, increased targeting of Kurdish populations in northern Iraq and Syria by both Turkish and Iranian forces (see Sibylline Alert – 24 September 2022) will likely also contribute to an uptick in PKK activity in Mersin and surrounding areas. While Kurdish populations remain divided over their support for PKK missions in the region, the enhanced targeting by foreign forces will embolden sleeper cells to conduct sporadic retaliatory attacks against police and security infrastructure. (Source: Sibylline)
26 Sep 22. Italy: Far Right Election Win.
Key Takeaways
- Giorgia Meloni is set to become Italy’s first female prime minister after her Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of Italy)-led coalition secured the most votes in the 25 September general election. Due to her hardline stance on migration, LGBTQI+ and abortion rights, ethno-religious and societal tensions will continue to increase across Italy in the short term, consequently elevating domestic unrest risks.
- Disagreements within Meloni’s far-right alliance will result in government stability (as well as policy and regulatory) risks in Italy’s next government. As inflation and energy prices continue to soar, Meloni will likely adopt measures which appeal to the public, but which could also elevate risks for businesses (especially those in the energy sector) and further increase the country’s debt.
- A potential Meloni government will likely aim to improve ties with Russia and discourage the adoption of further sanctions against Moscow. This would likely elevate tensions with the EU. Relations with the EU will also become increasingly strained in relation to the transfer of EU recovery funds; Meloni already indicated that she intends to make changes to the previous government’s reform plans aimed at facilitating the transfer of recovery funds.
Context
Snap elections were held on 25 September following Mario Draghi’s resignation as prime minister on 21 July. According to the preliminary results, the Fratelli d’Italia-led far-right coalition won the most votes, paving the way for Meloni to become Italy’s first female prime minister. Meloni’s coalition includes the former prime minister Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia and the former interior minister Matteo Salvini’s far-right Lega (League) parties. The coalition will possibly win 235 out of 400 available seats in Italy’s Chamber of Deputies and 115 seats out of a possible 200 in the Senate, according to exit polls.
In her election campaign, Meloni attempted to distance herself from her party’s neo-fascist roots in order to portray herself as a more mainstream and reliable leader. This included partially softening her stance towards the EU and reaffirming her condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. However, key issues such as immigration, abortion and LGBTQI+ rights highlighted her conservative attitude to social reforms. These will remain contentious issues, raising concerns that Meloni’s victory will place Italy under a populist-driven leadership.
Economic pressures coupled with ideological and policy differences will sustain the risk of government instability and domestic unrest. Ideological and policy differences within Meloni’s far-right coalition will likely undermine government stability in the longer term and hinder the government’s ability to adopt a budget for 2023. Since Meloni, Salvini and Berlusconi have very different views on the war in Ukraine, Europe’s energy crisis and growing inflation, government stability risks will likely be sustained within the coalition in the coming months. Salvini has openly criticised the sanctions against Russia, suggesting they are not working. Meloni, on the one hand, has publicly criticised Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Berlusconi defended the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, claiming that Putin was only looking for ‘decent people’ to replace the Ukrainian government led by Volodymyr Zelenskyy. As such, a lack of co-ordination on foreign policy issues between coalition members will likely sustain government instability risks and elevate tensions with the EU.
A new populist far-right coalition will have little room for economic manoeuvre due to energy security issues brought about by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the commitments to Italy’s recovery plan and the burdens of Italy’s public debt. Inflation currently stands at 9.10 percent, a 37-year high, driven by exceptional increases in energy prices. Indeed, according to the National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT), Italy is one of the most indebted countries in Europe, with a national debt of EUR 2.17 trillion and a government debt-to-GDP ratio predicted to reach 148 percent of GDP by the end of 2022. This will seriously threaten economic development prospects. To achieve a downward trajectory for Italy’s debt-to-GDP ratio in the medium term, the country must return to stable budgetary surpluses. This calls for economic expansion, which would increase employment and production, and in turn increase household and business income and expenditure.
Meloni’s government will be under significant internal pressure to control increasing energy prices and reduce inflation in order to ease rising costs for households and businesses alike. These issues will almost certainly be exacerbated if Russia completely shuts off energy supplies to Italy in the coming months. Without appropriate market reforms to diversify from Russian energy sources, the new government will face significant challenges to secure energy supplies. Should socio-economic conditions continue to deteriorate, domestic unrest risks will continue to increase. There is a realistic possibility that Meloni will negotiate a gas deal with Moscow to avoid further energy disruption this winter, which would undermine European sanctions and elevate tensions with the EU.
Implementation of hardline reforms against immigration, LGBTQI+ rights and abortion will increase ethno-religious and societal tensions, driving domestic unrest risks
Meloni’s appointment as prime minister will likely result in the implementation of more hardline and conservative social policies against immigration and LGBTQI+ rights, increasing ethno-religious and societal tensions and polarising identity politics. This will likely elevate the risk of violence towards various minority groups. Meloni has advocated against same-sex marriage and LGBTQI+ rights, while both she and Salvini are known for their strongly nationalist and anti-immigrant views. Salvini’s party adopted a hard line against illegal immigration during his campaign trail. Indeed, as the interior minister under the government of the former prime minister Giuseppe Conte, Salvini shut down migrant camps and prevented NGO vessels from helping rescued migrants to enter Italy. Meloni proposed a naval blockade with Libya to prevent migrants from crossing the Mediterranean Sea. This suggests that refugees wanting to enter Italy would be screened before departing to determine whether they are genuinely refugees. This would likely reduce refugee inflows to Italy, redirecting them to other European countries. As such, ethno-religious tensions in Italy are likely to rise under a conservative coalition, especially in regions with the highest proportions of immigrants, including Emilia-Romagna, Lazio and Lombardy.
Abortion rights will also be a contentious issue, with Meloni traditionally opposing pro-choice attitudes. In central Italy’s Marche region, which has been controlled by Fratelli d’Italia since 2020, the limited access to pharmacological abortion has led to frequent protests. Similarly, Lega and Fratelli d’Italia both continued with political agendas throughout 2021 which limited access to pharmaceutical abortion, contradicting the health ministry’s new rules. Meloni stated that she plans to introduce the first part of the current Law 194 fully, advocating that ‘the State, the regions, and local authorities, acting within their respective powers […] shall take other measures necessary to prevent abortion from being used for purposes of birth control’. Meloni has indicated that she wants to implement preventative programmes in order to provide an alternative option for women considering abortion for financial reasons. According to 2020 statistics, 64.6 percent of gynaecologists nationally refused to terminate pregnancies for moral reasons. Pro-life policies passed by Meloni will likely increase the frequency and scale of protests, elevating domestic unrest risks.
EU tensions are likely to increase, though economic difficulties will likely force Meloni to stay on course with Draghi’s reform plans. Tensions with the EU will almost certainly increase under Meloni, even though she indicated before the election that she intends to deliver reforms planned under Draghi’s previous administration in order to ensure Italy receives EUR 200bn as part of the EU’s Covid-19 recovery plan. Paolo Gentiloni, the EU’s economic commissioner, cautioned in July that Italy’s future government cannot expect Brussels to renegotiate the plan’s fundamentals, stating that it is in Italy’s best interest to go ahead with the reforms. Plans to renegotiate the EU-funded investment substantially would put the funds at risk and destabilise the economy, which is already in a precarious situation.
Meloni stated that her coalition will adhere to Brussels’ regulations, but also indicated that she wants to revise elements of the plan to account for rising prices and encourage businesses to issue energy vouchers to employees. While Meloni indicated that she intends to use the funds to help households to pay their energy bills, Brussels already indicated that the funds can only be used to finance energy infrastructure projects, and not for funding households’ energy bills. Should the EU and Meloni agree on the reforms needed for the transfer of the funds, policy and socio-economic risks for businesses, particularly in the green energy and digitisation industries, will decrease.
Escalating tensions between Rome and Brussels will likely push Italy closer to Poland and Hungary, giving Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orban, another ally in his stance against the EU executive. Meloni’s victory, partnered with Sweden’s recent election of a far-right government, will pose a challenge to Brussels, as the prospect of a populist European front blocking EU decision-making will increase. If divisions in Europe consequently deepen, co-ordination on key policy reforms, such as sanctions against Russia and legislation to tackle increasing inflation and energy costs, will likely be hampered, elevating socio-economic health risks.
A Meloni-government will likely push for normalising relations with Russia in the longer term, potentially undermining EU unity. Meloni’s government will likely take a softer approach towards Russia, further elevating tensions with Brussels. Meloni’s coalition partners have historically cultivated very close ties with Moscow; this is unlikely to change now they are part of the governing coalition. For instance, Salvini travelled to Moscow in 2018 for a meeting during which he allegedly discussed covert money channels through which Russia could funnel financial support to Lega.
Conversely, Meloni has spoken out against the actions of Russia and China on the international stage in recent years. Should she form a government with Lega and Forza Italia, Russia will highly likely be one of the most contentious foreign policy issues within the coalition government. Much will depend on who secures which role in the administration. For instance, if Salvini or his close allies secure the role of foreign minister, the administration will likely take a more accommodating view of Russia. Likewise, Russia will be more receptive to a far-right coalition, especially if Salvini plays a prominent role in shaping the country’s foreign policy objectives. These ideological differences within the alliance will inevitably complicate the formulation and implementation of the next government’s foreign policies.
If Italy fails to establish a diplomatic channel between Russia and Ukraine, there is a risk that Salvini’s Lega will intensify calls for peace talks in place of sending lethal aid to Kyiv and adhering to sanctions. This will increase tensions within Europe.
Forecast
Policy and ideological differences remain within Meloni’s coalition, including those pertaining to foreign policy, economic recovery, the energy crisis and EU relations. Government instability risks will therefore almost certainly remain high in the near to long term. As such, we are likely to see increased policy and regulatory risks for businesses, while socio-economic health risks will also remain high due to increasing levels of inflation and Italy’s reliance on Russian energy exports. (Source: Sibylline)
25 Sept. 22. The Royal Navy’s flagship is tonight at anchor in the shadow of Liberty and the Manhattan skyline on a high-profile visit to New York.
Four years after her debut in the Big Apple, aircraft carrier HMS Queen Elizabeth returned to the ‘city which never sleeps’ to focus on Anglo-American military, political and strategic relations. The 65,000-tonne warship is the floating venue for the Atlantic Future Forum – a conference which brings together the brightest minds and most influential thinkers from defence and beyond to strengthen UK and US bonds.
She dropped anchor within sight of the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbour, HMS Queen Elizabeth’s unique profile adding to an already dramatic skyline.
The carrier was welcomed into New York by the United Kingdom’s Ambassador to the United States, Dame Karen Pierce.
“HMS Queen Elizabeth is not only the United Kingdom’s flagship, but is a fantastic demonstration of the soft power and the close working relationship between the United Kingdom and the United States, as well as the transatlantic relationship,” she said.
“It’s an enormous honour to sail into New York on her. We share an endeavour in remaining the United States’ closest ally and I am very proud of what the ship has achieved for Britain in her deployment to the Indo-Pacific last year.”
Over the next few days, Captain Ian Feasey, HMS Queen Elizabeth’s Commanding Officer, will welcome hundreds of guests to the ship, which has been transformed into a unique, world-class conference venue for the forum.
“It is an amazing privilege to bring HMS Queen Elizabeth back to New York and to be formally welcomed to the United States by His Majesty’s Ambassador,” he said.
“We are very much looking forward to hosting the fifth Atlantic Future Forum and welcoming onboard senior leaders that embody our deep and special relationship with the United States.”
AFF Director Stephen Watson said the fifth iteration of the forum would see “political, military and business leaders to address some of the challenging questions of our time.”
He continued: “The welcome which has been offered to the UK’s flagship by our American hosts is testament to the strength and currency of the relationship between our two nations. I hope that our Forum will continue to build on the understanding and bonds between us.”
As well as hosting the two-day forum, the carrier’s ship’s company will have the opportunity to get ashore and visit New York, including formally paying their respects at the 9/11 memorial.
The carrier debuted in New York in 2018 – again to host the forum – ahead of fast jet trials with F-35 Lightnings.
Now fully operational – the ship led an international carrier group to the Pacific Rim last year – HMS Queen Elizabeth will return across the Atlantic and spend the remainder of the autumn leading operations and exercises in European waters upon completion of the visit.
She’s joined in New York by her frigate escort, HMS Richmond, which sailed up the Hudson River for a berth on Manhattan Island. (Source: https://www.gov.uk/)
23 Sep 22. British and American forces obliterate former US warship during impressive test of firepower. The Royal Navy and Royal Air Force put on a formidable display of firepower with United States allies against a specially prepared ex-US Navy warship in the North Atlantic.
HMS Westminster, a Wildcat helicopter and three RAF Typhoon fast jets unleashed fire and fury at the decommissioned frigate USS Boone using an array of high-powered weaponry.
The exercise, named Atlantic Thunder, was the first of its type for the Royal Navy in 18 years and took place alongside US Navy and US Air Force counterparts.
It was a rare live test of complex weapons against a realistic target far out to sea and tested the power and accuracy of naval and air forces, giving allies real-world experience of hitting targets at sea from long range and proving the capability of several advanced warfighting and targeting techniques.
Type 23 frigate HMS Westminster fired two Harpoon anti-ship missiles at the same time as a US P-8 Poseidon patrol aircraft launched one of its own – 660kg of high explosive striking ex-USS Boone simultaneously.
The frigate’s Wildcat helicopter quickly followed, punching Martlet air-to-surface missiles into the Boone’s hull. This was the first firing of the Fleet Air Arm’s new anti-ship weapon against a realistic target at sea – to this point Martlet had only been used against purpose-built targets.
The Wildcat’s crew stayed airborne and used the on-board laser-targeting pod to guide in a Typhoon fighter from 41 Squadron RAF to launch Paveway IV precision-guided munitions against the target. This was the first time an RAF Typhoon had dropped live ordnance onto a warship used as a maritime target, and the first time a Royal Navy helicopter had guided the Paveway IV on to its bullseye.
Commander Ed Moss-Ward, Commanding Officer of HMS Westminster, said: “Atlantic Thunder has demonstrated that UK and US naval and air forces can work together to deliver an end-to-end kill chain against a maritime target at long range.
“The integration of high-end weapons, sensors and communications with our NATO allies is key to the collective war fighting capability of the Alliance demonstrated by the sinking exercise.
“The firings have supported the development of the Royal Navy’s targeting and weapon capabilities, and afforded opportunity to conduct realistic training to validate tactics and operating procedures.”
Lieutenant Ross Gallagher of 815 Naval Air Squadron, in command of Westminster’s Wildcat helicopter, said: “The exercise presented a great opportunity for the Wildcat to showcase the Martlet missile system and to Laser Target Designate for Typhoon dropping Paveway IV.”
The Americans used their own multi-role SM-6 missile launched by destroyer USS Arleigh Burke, before US Air Force F-15E Eagles, assigned to 494th Fighter Squadron, guided several air-to-ground Joint Direct Attack Munitions against ex-USS Boone.
Soon after Atlantic Thunder, the target came to rest on the bottom of the ocean, where it will remain under the ownership of the US Government in perpetuity. Extensive preparations took place over many months beforehand to ensure the exercise was conducted in a safe and environmentally compliant manner, including the removal of toxic materials and pollutants from the US ship before she could be used as a target in this way.
Oliver Hazard Perry-class frigate USS Boone served in the US Navy between 1982 and 2012. She is named after Vice Admiral Joel Thompson Boone, a Medal of Honour recipient and the most-highly-decorated medical officer of World War I. (Source: Royal Navy)
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